Bennelong Society Conference 2005: Remote Aboriginal Communities: Where are the Jobs?
An Aboriginal Perspective on the Land Debate
Wesley Aird
Land and the sense of community are extremely special for indigenous
people. In recognition of this, indigenous people have special
legislation governing certain pieces and types of land in terms
of ownership, access and administration. These special pieces
of legislation are accompanied by very special administrative
arrangements at all levels of government.
This paper is not a state-by-state,
blow-by-blow comparison of land management regimes. I shall leave
that to the media and other commentators.[1] Instead this is an Aboriginal perspective on the land debate.
Three key concepts
For most Indigenous Australians the strong association with
their traditional land and waters has given rise to, what I suggest,
are common modern day themes and experiences. I believe they can
be distilled to a couple of key concepts which, for the sake of
simplicity, I summarise as administration, tenure and rights.
Each term is intended in a broad and inclusive sense. Each has
evolved over time and each can be attributed to broad-ranging
social and political forces. The origins of these forces have
been both indigenous and non-indigenous.
Consequences
The consequences of the Australian model are well known and
not something as a nation we ought to be particularly proud of.
At the communal level, we have seen an era of 'big men' and
gate-keepers wielding false power and taxpayers money. This is
perfectly human, and for millennia individuals have exploited
weak systems. Under such circumstances incompetence and corruption
are not peculiar to Indigenous Australia. We have seen systemic
failure both in terms of structurally poor policy and also poor
execution by both mainstream and indigenous administration.
At the individual level, it has been worse. The biggest casualties
have been individual esteem, capacity and self-sufficiency. The
poverty cycle has had no trouble taking in entire generations
of indigenous Australians.
The new direction in administration
The first key concept is administration. Sadly for indigenous
people the embodiment of the special relationship with land goes
hand in hand with trusts, permits, DOGITs,[2] land councils and a couple of thousand organisations under the
Aboriginal Councils and Association Act 1976.
The Australian government has put in place a new direction
in administration for indigenous Australians. Community development,
training and employment through local solutions funded in an arrangement
of mutual obligation and shared responsibility. These are admirable
outcomes anticipated by the new era of indigenous administration.
There is also the public discussion on possible legislative
amendments to land title regimes.
Another crucial part, neither seen nor heard much to date,
is the vital facilitation role each government must play in providing
an enabling environment to help indigenous people bridge the bi-cultural
divide, and to take advantage of opportunities in an era of new
administrative regimes. This part has been missing from the debate
lately, and yet, surely this is what shared responsibility and
mutual obligation is all about.
While it is all well and good to tout the wonderful new era
of administration there can be no doubt that governments at the
operational level have a long way to go. I am not claiming to
have done any sort of audit of service delivery myself. I am simply
asserting that years of disadvantage require change that does
not come overnight. Old paradigms need to be shifted and this
needs to be reflected in what many government departments call
'customer service'.
Tenure
The second key concept is tenure. Indigenous people have two
main ways to achieve secure occupation of a piece of real estate.
Firstly, commercial terms such as lease and outright purchase.
Secondly, various state and territory regimes for recognition
of communal aspirations.
Mainstream tenure
In terms of mainstream tenure, I refer to ordinary land ownership,
whether it be leasehold, freehold or any other sort of tenure
whereby you say you own it; but what you actually mean is that
you owe the bank a heck of a lot of money. Of course, in towns
and cities all you need to own land is a deposit and the means
to service your debt.
Title of this form imposes a rigour on the mortgagee. It has
the potential to make someone look after their investment. If
you want to own your own home you incur responsibilities, but
all going well, you also create an economic base and inter-generational
wealth.
While this might sound great, the starting position of disadvantage
puts land and home ownership out of the reach of a disproportionately
higher number of indigenous Australians.
Private ownership in a community setting
Recently there has been substantial debate over whether or
not it is possible for private ownership of land by indigenous
people. The commentariat have made much of whether or not there
will be legislative change. Whilst debate is good and the studies
and conjecture help, I fear the argument somewhat misses the point.
I would suggest that at present, strictly in terms of administration
at least, there already exist possibilities for indigenous people
living in a communal title setting to break the poverty cycle.
But it takes a lot more than rules and regulations to get ahead
in life.
As an example, much of Doomadgee
in far north-west Queensland is problematic, yet I have visited
houses that are well maintained and would not look out of place
in a hundred other Queensland country towns. The town has individuals
that work on the (relatively) nearby Century Mine. Others work
in the town itself, some in their own business. There is scope
to get ahead, even in a DOGIT community and even if not on a 'Katter
lease'.[3]
In this Queensland example, it doesn't seem all that important
whether or not the state amends legislation to enable private
ownership in the community setting.
The New South Wales land rights
model is the least restrictive. However, the Auditor-General and
Independent Commission Against Corruption regularly investigate
suspect land council dealings.[4]
The Northern Territory land access arrangements for the train
line is a demonstration that private enterprise can achieve a
long term lease on 'Aboriginal land'.
Each state and territory has its own arrangements. And in each
case, land-based equity is just one of the aspects that influence
the overall quality of life. Also, in most states there is at
least a procedure for 'Aboriginal land' to be assigned by the
collective to an individual. There are varying degrees of procedures,
some are quite onerous.
But what if it were possible.
For a moment let us imagine that somehow all around the country
various statutes have been changed to remove the impediments,
either real or procedural, to private ownership in an Aboriginal
community setting.
Firstly, the old-guard would go through the ritual invective
that the fundamental tenets of an unsuspecting Aboriginal society
were going to be whipped out from under their feet by dodgy real
estate developers. Or that ill-informed community councils would
lose their culturally-rich assets for short-term financial gain.
Of course, assets are most at risk when there is poor governance
and weak checks and balances.
From a different view-point, there would be whole communities
of indigenous people with the opportunity to own the great Aussie
dream. However, to be blunt, most would have next to no chance
of entering an agreement with a bank. At least not without the
demonstrated means to service the debt and to maintain the asset.
Changes to legislation on land title and administration won't
make much difference if the land is uneconomic nor if the local
individuals don't have the where-with-all to make a go of it.
Amendments to legislation may well help to some extent, however,
improvements can already be brought about by changes to policy,
changes to service delivery and changes in staffing. For some
strange reason these changes seem more difficult for government.
And worse for the government spin doctors, it can be done without
an increase in budget.
Perhaps achieving sustainable change hinges more on the local
bureaucrats and the local economy than it does on the legislated
system of land title.
On a personal note, I find the public discussion on land tenure
amendments somewhat amusing; if that is possible under such grim
circumstances.
As a member of the National Indigenous Council I have been
involved in the discussion on land tenure. The focus has always
been on the possible means to overcome poverty and through this
conversation it emerged that land can provide an economic base.
Changes to tenure have been a minor consideration.
By contrast the indigenous and academic old guard have been
vocal in the struggle to keep alive the rights agenda, however,
whilst staying quiet on the social indicators that remained so
bad under the past era of administration.
Rights (for me that's native title)
The third key concept is rights, by which I refer to native
title under the Commonwealth act and also the various other rights-based
state and territory statutes. Depending on the location, these
rights may deliver social recognition, statutory recognition and
or compensation payments.
Native title has demonstrated it is not the solution to everything.
Then again, native title was never intended as the solution to
the many social ills afflicting indigenous Australians. However,
there was great hope for those things attached to recognition
of native title; for example procedural rights and recognition
which in turn could lead into land-based agreements, and payments
for access, and businesses.
Native title and the very south east
corner of Queensland
I have been a native title applicant in and around the Gold
Coast. I am a signatory to two Indigenous Land Use Agreements
under the Native Title Act, and I am currently negotiating
a third.
Our native title claim was withdrawn when the notorious, and
thankfully no longer recognised, Queensland South Representative
Body openly supported one single family to the detriment of hundreds
of families. The then Representative Body's partisan support for
this family was thanks for old ATSIC allegiances. In our area,
we are still fighting the old alliances that ATSIC created and
funded. A system that broken doesn't fix itself overnight.
We hope to re-lodge our claim within twelve months, and we
expect tremendous opposition from the old-guard of grace and favour
bureaucrats.
To overcome entrenched corruption we are using the Indigenous
Land Use Agreement process to establish the nature of our group.
This has never been in doubt to us. It is just that in recent
years we have been procedurally invisible because our way of doing
things does not accord with either the bureaucratic or black orthodoxy.
The great notion of native title has, in our experience been
severely hampered by lower-rung bureaucrats in both mainstream
and indigenous organisations. I have no doubt that our experiences
have been replicated for thousands of other indigenous people
around the country.
On a per-capita basis, our native title group would have to
rank as one of the highest in terms of tertiary-qualifications,
home-ownership and employment. I think it is reasonable to ask
why are we involved in native title when surely people have got
enough to get on with in their daily lives.
The main reasons are procedural recognition, to raise our profile
in the esteem of the broader non-indigenous community and most
importantly, to be a statutory part of the land management process.
At present our small corner of Queensland is seeing unprecedented
growth. It seems there are new suburbs on a weekly basis. There
is cultural heritage legislation which purports to look after
indigenous people's rights and interests in this tide of development.
Native title for our group brings the prospect of recognition.
And in Queensland recognition under the Native Title Act
flows into recognition under the Aboriginal Cultural
Heritage Act.
The Gold Coast was settled relatively soon after the colony
of what is now modern day Brisbane. There is precious little 'claimable'
land. However, some of the claimable land that exists on the Gold
Coast is very well located indeed. I am given to believe the saying
'location, location, location' is thousands of years old.
The steps ahead
We hope to use our next Indigenous Land Use Agreement to support
our native title claim. We do not think we will end up with a
bundle of parcels that we can call our own. Maybe, the native
title claim will deliver not much other than procedural recognition.
Perhaps strangely, this is all some of us are after.
In an urban setting, at least for us, native title is not really
about getting hold of a parcel of land. The point of it in our
urban setting is to use native title as a means to identity; to
negotiate with the government and with developers over the management
of development. Not to stop the development, just simply to have
our concerns listened to. Also, we will not be competing against
non-indigenous people to work on our own cultural heritage.
The native title process has its merits; but it won't leverage
whole-sale improvements in people's lives in our community.
Of note is that the problem for our community in negotiating
an outcome in terms of native title is not demonstrating our connection
to country, nor is it paying the legal fees. Instead, our big
problem is overcoming incompetence and corruption. Both indigenous
and bureaucratic. We are regularly beaten by the administration
and our relatives with ulterior motives.
Impediments and opportunities
There are impediments
Regardless of the geographic setting, for many indigenous people
there are substantial impediments to getting ahead in life.
For many, it is their location that is the handbrake. For others
it is their social environment. The latter might be the strong
pull exerted by tradition and custom. It might be an honest inability
to operate in the dominant Australian society. It might be as
simple as not being able manage with the language of bureaucracy.
There are many indigenous people clearly living bi-cultural
existences. It simply won't work to just change a piece of legislation
and then expect that person to overcome a life of disadvantage.
And there are opportunities
For many indigenous people the status quo in rural and
remote Australia is bleak. Again in general terms, the status
quo amongst urban indigenous Australians is far better. There
is greater diversity on the scale from broken to buoyant.
For many indigenous communities,
either remote or urban, there are prospects to break the poverty
cycle. The well known examples are tourism, art, and participation
in industry, which for remote communities is most often mining.[5] But indigenous people anywhere can
be involved in tourism and art and they can also participate in
industry.
However, the social and geographic circumstances in which many
indigenous people live greatly affect their chances of achieving
substantive improvements in their quality of life.
If communities are bureaucratically savvy they can work with
Indigenous Business Australia or the Indigenous Land Corporation.
However, the questionable results of the IBA and the ILC give
very clear indications that it is not a matter of how many hectares
of land you acquire, nor how many millions that you invest that
really matter. It is instead the manner in which the money is
spent and the outcomes in terms of human involvement.
In Australia, indigenous affairs
is often categorised by the millions. However, in many other parts
of the world it is the hundreds that count. In a recent newspaper
article[6] the big four banks had
been canvassed regarding their capacity to cater for the particular
financial needs of indigenous people.
One bank is investigating micro-finance
facilities. All four have initiatives to improve financial inclusion
and have extensive community support programmes.[7]
It seems most aim to that put something back into the community
in terms of training for household budgeting and community-based
accounting. This might sound great, but it will be that much more
difficult if there isn't a bank in your area. Again, the obstacle
is remoteness.
There are prospects to break the poverty cycle. The challenge
is to ensure that every time an individual or collective chooses
to get ahead, there are processes and support in place to enable
that person or that group to make a go of it.
Administration, tenure and rights
Land can be an economic base. However, the extent to which
having land can alleviate poverty relies solely on either the
commerciality of the land or the residents engagement in industry.
A prospective businessperson will not get ahead unless they engage
on a fee-paying basis with someone that values the land or what
the land can produce or alternatively they sell their product
or services at commercial rates.
Disadvantage and the poverty cycle can be broken by the use
of land, but not just by having land. It is the package of the
individuals' capacity and their interaction with the bureaucracy
where things have in the past tended to go horribly wrong and
where in future, great improvement is required.
The Australian government has over recent years consistently
increased the budget for indigenous affairs. But the time has
come to go further so that service deliverers provide an enabling
environment for people to overcome disadvantage. In order to do
this governments at all levels will need to look very carefully
at the agencies and individuals that are delivering services.
In some instances, the old style systems will need to be dismantled
so that it is not possible to just change the logo without improving
the service. Service delivery agencies and policy makers must
recognise the enormous chasm between the aspirations of many indigenous
communities to overcome years of disadvantage and their capacity
to do so.
But it is not just government. Indigenous communities must
also move with the times. Communities must genuinely look at the
terms on which they engage with society. Communities must in all
seriousness question whether the old-style welfare days of self-administration
and the rights agenda have delivered a worth-while result. They
must also question whether it is reasonable to disengage from
society and yet still expect to be maintained by the taxpayer.
These thoughts I have offered are neither from academia, nor
bureaucracy. They are just an Aboriginal perspective on the land
debate.
Notes
1. Land rights and development reform in remote Australia,
Oxfam Australia, August 2005. And also A new deal for Aborigines
and Torres Strait Islanders in Remote Communities, Helen Hughes
and Jenness Warin, in Issue Analysis No 54, The Centre for Independent
Studies, 1 March 2005.
2. Deeds
of Grant In Trust lands are established under the Community
Services (Aboriginal) Act 1984 (Qld).
3. In
the late 1980s Queensland enacted legislation allowing perpetual
leases on DOGIT land to provide for home ownership and economic
development (known as Katter leases) Existing dilapidated houses
were sold to leaseholders, who did no understand their maintenance
responsibilities, resulting in further deterioration. Home owners
are now being offered a new house on condition they sign their
leases over to the community council.
4.
Sydney Morning Herald Weekend Edition, 31 July---1 August
2004, pp 1,23, 30.
5.
For example Enhancing Indigenous social sustainability through
agreements with resource developers by David Martin, Jim Hondros
and Ben Scambary, prepared as part of an Australian Research Council
linkage project.
6.
'Micro steps on the path to indigenous wealth', Fiona Carruthers
in the Australian Financial Review 8 July 2005, p26.
7.
The ANZ reports on its performance in terms of 'Making a sustainable
contribution to society' and it conducts 'MoneyMinded---a programme
developed to help people with low financial literacy to build
their money management skills. Westpac are active in community
/ industry relationships and also produce the Guide for Community
Treasurers.
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